Female Sexualization in Magazines

Fe bitful informalization in MagazinesOver the past three decades, contemporary wo handss magazines have significantly increased their cozy content, offering frank advice about put forward and relations coxas (Kim defend, 2004). The message it sends across is prizing innerly assertive wo workforce. Thus, it entertains the readers instructions on aggressive ways to attract men and to be able to fulfill their own shake upual desires (Durham, 1996). One particular magazine is Cosmopolitan magazine which is known for being racy, intended for the fun, fearless female(Streitmatter, 2004). Sexual agency and desire is highly promoted to young women. Likewise, the stereotypical male intimate role is described as being primarily informal and out of control. In Cosmopolitan, much(prenominal) of womens sexual agency and aggressiveness happens within the context of a relationship (Durham, 1996). Walsh-Childers et al. (2002) commented that in some adult-focused magazines, sex is present ed as a fun, periodic and risk-free activity. A noticeable lack of emphasis on sexual health, contraceptives and STD prevention is observed (Kim Ward, 2004).Menard Kleinplatz (2008) comment that in the magazines, although there is a besotted emphasis for female readers to be sexually active and be in the service of men (Durham, 1996), they argon cautioned not to be too overtly sexual. They ar encouraged to range and interact with men in a way that promotes sexual desirability but are discouraged from showing desire themselves (Durham 1996, 1998 compile et al. 1998). These magazines, then, can be seen as part of a cultural apparatus that purports to assist women to be heterosexually attractive, to be coy, alluring, sexy, and flirtatious, in order to find true discern and to catch a man, and then to maintain his interest (Overall, 1999, p. 298). On the early(a) hand, mens sexuality is promoted to be aggressive, animalistic, insatiable, urgent and uncontrollable (Firminger 200 6 Garner et al. 1998 Ward 2003).The concept of great sex is depicted in three womens magazines, namely Cosmopolitan, Glamour and Self (Duran Prusank, 1997) as barely occurring in the context of an intimate, sympathize with and long-term heterosexual relationship. These magazines teach sexual techniques such as sensual touching, sexual positions, forbidden games, etc. to enhance sexual and erotic intimacy in those relationships. Duran Prusank (1997) as well as contend that great sex involves uncontrollable chemical or magical elements while it is ongoing.Menard Kleinplatz (2008) observe that in popular adult-focused magazines the subject of sexual techniques was predominant. In every issue, a wide variety of knowledge about new and exciting sexual techniques or on improvements that can be do to old familiar ones in order to achieve great sex is available. Readers are departd with information on how to kiss, touch, perform oral or manual sex and several orgasm-inducing sexual intercourse positions.Sexualities of men and women have been compared in contemporary magazines. Discourses have show that male sexuality is driven by a tender biological need for coital sex, and have identified this as the male sexual drive (Weeks, 1986 Hollway, 1989). As opposed to female sexuality, male sexuality is emphasized with sexual prowess and prime importance is given to the penis, erection and orgasm (Kilmartin, 1999 Tiefer, 1995). On the other hand, female sexuality has been characterized as passive, responsive to the demand of their male mates sexual needs and associated with reproduction. Although their sexual needs come from the same biological drive, women are less easily aroused than men and are more emotional during sex (Jackson, 1984).Farvid Braun (2006) conclude that contemporary adult-focused magazines are obsessed with male sexuality. It was a central focus in accounts of female sexuality which is loosely oriented toward the fulfillment of mens sexual pleasure. The magazines depicted men in contradictory positions one, as the target of womens desires and the other, as a reference work of much stress, anxiety and even trauma for women (Farvid Braun, 2006). This positions men as having much power over women because of the great emotions they elicit in a wide spectrum. When womens magazines invite male authorities to offer their insights and experiences to the women readers, it becomes a portal for women to understand men better. Mens perspectives help women by guiding them on how to behave, dress and engage in sexual practices in accordance to how men prefer. In a significant way, it guides women to understand their male partners better and learn ways to occupy them.Mass medias dominant representation of women is that they exist for mens satisfaction of their sexual fantasies (Wood, 1994). Cleo and Cosmopolitan magazines encourage women to be as sexual as they can be, making them available to satisfy mens sexual fantasies and d esires. Although being able to provide sexual satisfaction for men whitethorn be a source of pleasure and power for women, it alike reflects that women are reliant on men for their own self-image and power (Machin Thornborrow, 2003). Thus, repeatedly reading articles on how to give pleasure to men may promote womens insecure sexuality (Farvid Braun, 2006).The message of contemporary womens magazine is that society may condone mens inappropriate sexual behaviour. The stronger sexual drive of men have made them conclude that the penis is extrinsic to the self (Kilmartin, 1999, p.180) and can have a mind of its own (Hollway, 1989). Shifting the responsibility of certain sexual indiscretions such as infidelity or cheating on their spouses/partners on the penis makes it an unsporting and shallow justification. Potts (2001) commented that such distinction of the penis as the culprit constitutes a hegemonic masculine subjectivity where men tend to distance themselves from the sexual be haviours of their bodies and thus they may also exonerate themselves from responsibility in sexual matters (p.154), including inappropriate, risky, or even coercive sexual practices.Sex is promoted as a way to keep a man interested in a woman enough to stay in a relationship. Farvid Braun (2006) observe in Cleo and Cosmopolitan magazines that the ability of some women to provide great sex to men is essential in fulfilling not only mens sexual needs but womens relational needs as well. Cleo magazine advocates women to leave an impression where it counts in bed. It contends that men love women who are not only good in bed but enthral it too, and it leaves men craving for more. A memorable sexual performance of a woman is depicted as more important than her personality in wrong of keeping a man interested.Another message that comes across is that while men can enjoy sex anytime they want, women need to work on sex in competing with other women their men have had sex with or with pot ential sex partners. This implies that although great sex can be a deterrent against infidelity, it also means that since men have strong sexual drives, that they are potential cheaters (Farvid Braun, 2006). That is why women should gain expertise in the sexual pleasing of their men so that they will not find a need to stray.On the other hand, women are not characterized as having strong sex drives and if they cheat, it is pictured in more severe ways, within more elaborate and negative scenarios. Womens infidelity is more condemnable and less forgivable than mens infidelity. goddamn is assigned to the woman and is not likely caused by sexual or relational shortcomings of the partner she cheated. Another gender difference in infidelity is that women are seen as victims of their male partners cheating, but men are seen as seekers of revenge for being cheated on by a female partner (Farvid Braun, 2006). Cheating is still considered always wrong despite the seemingly loose morals pr opagated in the magazines and monogamous heterosexual relationships are promoted as central to the identity element and well-being of women (Farvid Braun, 2006).Increased Sexualization in Popular Modern Music GenresHeavy metal symphony, described as the overtly violent and sexually intelligible segments of brandish and roll music (Lynxwiler, 1988) earned the wrath of Parents Music Resource Center (PMRC) and targeted a media campaign against it (Gore, 1987). The organization portrayed heavy metal music as dangerous to young minds because it emphasized the use of drugs, encouraged adolescent sex, endorsed sexist/ pornographic values, instrumental in delivering occult messages and caused violent, lawless behavior (Markson, 1990). Such claims created much controversy that it received national attention when Congressional hearings were held to determine if indeed heavy metal albums and other forms of popular music must be evaluated for their figure out in proliferation of porn-roc k in the United States (Gray, 1989). The hearings did not produce great changes however, more and more organizations concerned with child victims such as conservative parental, religious and womens rightist groups pushed for the regulation of heavy metal music (Bayles, 1994). Still others began their own uprising against rap music (Binder, 1993).Jones (1997) claims, that as a matter of definition, rap and hip-hop music are often used interchangeably. However, Powell (1991) defined hip-hop as the beat of the music and rap as the narrative representation, the talking over the beat. Hence, the use of explicit forcefulness and sexual lyrics may be blamed down to rap. Powell (1991) described commercial rap as hip hop or dance rap. hard-core rap, or gangster rap is the one that raises much controversy.Researchers have suggested that hip hop and rap music, rooted in Black culture can be tools through which Black youth may negotiate their identities to develop an authentic Black identity (Clay, 2003). They see the music as reflective of their lives and to assert that music relates to empowerment, cultural connection and positive identity development (Sullivan, 2003 Berry, 1994). Critics of hip hop and rap, however, have argued that Black youth may be very susceptible to the influences of hip hop role models who promise money, power and status to men who show disrespect for women (Squires, Kohn-Wood, Chavous Carter, 2006). Mahiri and Conners (2003) ethnographic study of African American middle check students manifested resistance in the negative images emanating from rap and hiphop. This study suggested the use of rap and hiphop images related to social and gender roles as a point of reference from which participants could verbally evaluate, compare and contrast their own beliefs and attitudes. Adolescents in the study of Squires, Kohn-Wood, Chavous Carter (2006) believed that certain women can be nasty and may choose to be abused, and that abusive men may be pro ducts of their environment. Still, they showed dissatisfaction with the representations of Black men and women in hip hop. Their criticisms revolved around womens individual behavior and style and how outsiders might stereotype Black men as thugs for emulating hiphop fashion. Such perceptions of gender roles based on hiphop seemed to extend to the participants evaluations of womens and mens responsibility and choices with regards to real world sexual aggression and violence (Squires, Kohn-Wood, Chavous Carter, 2006)The problematic aspects of rap music is usually focused on its most acrimonious strain which is gangsta rap. Narratives in such strain are extremely trouble in their glamorization of violence,, materialism, misogyny and sexual transgression (Mahiri Conner, 2003). However, Dyson (1996) argued that the vulgarity expressed in gangsta rap are strongly linked to dominate cultural constructions of the other and market-driven strategies for rampant economic and human exploita tion. Therefore, Dyson noted, the debate about gangsta rap should be situated in a much broader critique of how these narratives essentially mirror superannuated stereotypes of Black identity and sexual proclivity throughthe societys circulation of brutal images of black men as sexual outlaws and black females as hos (1996, p. 178)Feminists argue that popular media contributes to coerciveness and sexual assault toward women as seen by the dominant presence of violence against women in all forms of media (Linz Malamuth, 1993). Adolescents have been resorting to popular entertainment for information about sex, drugs, alcohol and violence (Kaiser Family Foundation, 1999). Their preference for the more popular and accessible music videos has provides them with such information. Analysis of Music Television (MTV) has shown that men appeared nearly double as often as women and engaged in significantly more aggressive, dominant behavior and women were shown as engaging in more implicitly sexual and subservient behavior. They were depicted to be frequent objects of explicit, implicit and aggressive advances by men (Sommers-Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan, Davis, 1993). It is usual for women in these videos to be used as decorative objects, and only a few videos show men and women are treated equally (Vincent, Davis Boruszkowski, 1987). One study of media and sexuality revealed that exposure to MTV among college females was the most powerful predictor of sexual permissiveness (Strouse Buerkel-Rothfuss, 1987). Likewise, in video games, a more sexist orientation and graphic violence against women is getting prevalent. Overall, content in various media such as television, video games, music videos communicates that women are to be objectified, sexualized, dominated, assaulted and even killed (Bretthauer, Zimmerman Banning, 2006).